Interview with Iraqi CP about the parliamentary elections
on 30th April 2014
The following interview, with
Comrade Salam Ali, member of the Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party,
was conducted by "Nameh Mardom", the newspaper of the Tudeh Party of Iran, and
was published on 5th May 2014.
1.
Were the Iraqi parliamentary elections on 30th April
free and democratic, in terms of ability to campaign and to vote?
The current
parliamentary election campaign has been launched in the conditions of the ongoing
deep political crisis, deteriorating relations among the influential and ruling
political forces and mounting terrorist activities. Therefore, there is a
general feeling that the outcome of this election will have a very significant
impact not only on the shape of future government, but also on the principles
and the basis that have governed the political process so far, since 2003, and
consequently on the underlying rules of
power-sharing that determine the formation of the government. These high
stakes, together with the tense political situation in the background, the
deteriorating security situation in some provinces, have created uneven
conditions for the electoral campaigning. In some provinces, e.g. in Anbar and
in Salahadin, and in some parts of Nineveh and Diyala provinces, the
possibility of conducting an open and free election campaign, have been
severely limited, if not reduced to nearly clandestine conditions. However, in
the rest of the country, despite the violence exercised by militia-type armed
groups, there is a wide scope of free movement for election campaigning. A number of candidates of different electoral
lists have been the targets of terrorist operations in addition to political
assassination.
2.
What were the main political groupings that participated in
these elections? Is the political landscape still dominated by religious
and ethnic divisions, as it has been in the last few years?
In these
elections107 electoral lists are participating. They include lists that
represent coalitions and alliances as well as single parties or political figures
and individuals. We find in these electoral lists the same major political
groupings, based on ethnic and sectarian identities that have dominated the
political scene in Iraq and shared power over the past decade on the basis of
sectarian-ethnic power-sharing. However, a number of new features characterize
the elections this time.
First, the
three main political blocs that reflect the ethnic, religious and confessional divisions of Iraqi society,
namely the Arab Shiite, Arab Sunnis and the Kurds, are not only entering the
elections under different and separate lists, but also with serious differences
and conflicts among them. This applies, to a larger or lesser extent, to all
the three main blocs.
Secondly, it is
significant to note that practically all Islamist and sectarian lists are
presenting themselves under neutral or “civic” titles or names. Among the 36
electoral coalitions approved by the Independent High Electoral Commission, not
in a single one figures the word Islam or any sectarian reference. Furthermore,
the number of religious figures among the candidates has shrunk significantly
to a very low figure.
Thirdly, the
democratic civil political groupings, including the Iraqi Communist Party, have
succeeded in forming a broad and big coalition that has presented itself to the
electors in a single electoral list called the Civil Democratic Alliance. This
is a very significant development since it is the first time that the civil
secular political groupings have managed to unite themselves in one list. In
past elections they participated in the elections in separate lists and some of
them joined sectarian coalitions. Thanks to this list, the democratic civil
forces can claim to be presenting a credible political alternative with a clear
and broad national democratic program. As the past month of political
campaigning has showed, this broad alliance has had an encouraging and
mobilizing impact on large sections of the electorate and has produced a kind
of dynamics that we hope will be translated into promising election results.
3.
Were the recent bombings on the days leading to the
elections part of a terror campaign,
and who is behind these crimes and what is their objective?
The bombings
are certainly part of a terror campaign aiming at further destabilizing the
country, deepening sectarian tensions, with the aim of causing the total
collapse of the transition process towards a democratic system. It should be
noted that this transition process itself is a complex process fraught with
inner contradictions, and sometimes opposing tendencies among its constituent
political forces reflecting their narrow interests. The more immediate
objective of the terrorist acts is to prevent people from participating in
elections, particularly in the predominantly "Sunni" provinces and
districts. The terrorist groups; Al Qaida, the Islamic State in Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL), members of Saddam's special
security and armed forces, and other groups of similar nature, receive significant
material, financial and logistic support from neighbouring countries, whether
directly or through non-governmental organizations and groups. They have also
local and domestic incubators that thrive and expand as the infighting and
conflicts intensify among the influential forces that are in power.
4.
What were the key elements of the Islamist groups’ programs
to resolve Iraq’s problems, that would differentiate them from each other (where
and how do the Islamist groups draw their strength?)
The sectarian
and ethnic parties do not accord significant importance, with rare exceptions,
to political programs. They rather practice identity politics, which means that
they draw support from the exacerbation of religious, confessional and
nationalist sentiments. So the real objectives and intentions are not those
which they announce publicly, but should be inferred from their policies and
their actual deeds over the periods when they exercised power and from the
nature of their political and socio-economic interests.
Over the past
few years, the governing parties have accumulated wealth and gained dominant
positions in the economy, mainly in trade and contracting activities, as well
as in the financial, banking and real estate sectors. So despite their official
condemnation of the actual sectarian-ethnic power- sharing government, they
have no real interest in moving towards a citizenship-based governance or to
promote policies of sustainable development in the economy. Their interests lie
in maintaining the extreme "openness” of the economy as reflected in the
rapid and continuing increase in imports, estimated at over 50 billion dollars
in the past year. This means, as a matter of fact, maintaining, if not
reinforcing, the rentier nature of the Iraqi economy.
On the other
hand, in view of the astounding failure of their experience in power in all
domains over the past nine years, and the mounting demand of the people for
change, these Islamist groups have introduced promises of change in their
announced programs, and adopted a discourse that proclaims their commitment to
build a civil state, denying they ever wanted to install a religious state
which they recognize it does not suit the conditions in Iraq.
5.
What are the main external influences on Iraq’s political
development?
The external
factors continue to play a major role in Iraqi politics. We can safely say that
all neighbouring countries interfere, in one form or another and to varying
degrees, in Iraq’s affairs. The major external actors that have strong
influence on Iraqi internal affairs and politics are the US and Iran with the
influence of the latter growing on both political and economic levels. Turkey
and some Gulf states also exercise important influence through their close
relations with some sectarian political groupings, in addition to Turkish
investors and companies and their extensive presence in Iraq, and particularly
in Iraqi Kurdistan.
6.
How did the Left forces participate in these elections, and
in particular what was the ICP’s approach to the elections?
As mentioned
earlier, the Iraqi CP strove to participate in the elections by broadening its
alliances. The party achieved a relative success in the provincial elections
last year when it participated in electoral lists constituted by the
'Democratic Current'. The latter is an alliance comprising the party and a
number of democratic parties and personalities. Eleven candidates were elected
to various provincial councils, five of whom are communists. Moreover, the
electoral law imposes the need to create coalitions in order to have a
reasonable chance of gaining a seat. So for both, political and practical
reasons, the party spared no efforts to build a broader coalition for
participating in the parliamentary elections on 30th April, at the
heart of which the will be the 'Democratic Current" and with the party
being the main driving force.
7.
What are the most immediate objectives in ICP’s program with
respect to Iraq’s most urgent needs?
Our major
objective is to reform fundamentally the basis of the political process and the
ongoing construction of the Iraqi state. We believe it is urgent to move away
from the sectarian-ethnic power-sharing system of governance. This mode of
governance is the principal source of all the ills in the Iraqi political
system. It has proved to be a crisis generating mode of governance. It is
totally incapable of building a viable and performing state, to realize
security and stability, to achieve reconstruction and economic development and
to combat corruption effectively. Our program of action calls for taking
concrete measures to get rid of the sectarian-ethnic power-sharing system and
move towards a governance based on
citizenship , away from any kind of ethnic, religious or confessional
discrimination. We aim at consolidating the democratic federal structure of the
state and call for the promotion of dialogue, consultation and a patient solution-oriented
approach in dealing with the issues and problems that are still unresolved or with
the new ones that may arise.
High in our list
of priorities is the introduction of legislations and economic policies and
measures in favour of social justice and defending and securing workers and
women’s rights.
As for
security and fighting terrorism, we call for a comprehensive, integrated
multi-sided approach. The security solution on its own is not sufficient, as it
should be combined with political, economic, social and cultural measures. Of
particular importance is the need to take concrete steps in favour of national
reconciliation and healing divisions in the social fabric of Iraq.
In the economy,
we lay emphasis on promoting productive sectors and activities, mainly in
industry and agriculture, and on stimulating diversification. In the oil sector,
we urge the development national capacities for direct exploitation of the
Iraqi oil wealth. We also believe it is urgent to reach a consensus on the
promulgation of the Oil Law.
The party
considers that one of its main priorities is to improve as rapidly as possible
the living conditions of the poorer sections of society through a combination
of measures, some of which include directing higher levels of social investment
to meet the immediate needs of housing, education and health infrastructure,
and a comprehensive social security system.
In the domain
of civil liberties and democratic rights, a major objective is to ensure the
freedom of trade union organization for all workers, including those working in
the public sector, by abolishing Saddam’s labour laws and speeding up the
promulgation of a just Labour law.
8.
Is the ICP able to openly work in the communities? We were
saddened to hear about the assassination of comrade Mehdi Mustafa Wadi in
Mosul. What was the motivation for his murder and who committed this crime?
The
assassination of the comrade Mehdi Mustafa on 20th April was a heavy
loss for our comrades and our party in the city of Mosul (Nineveh province).
The martyr was very active and had been campaigning bravely, defying threats
and danger in favour of the electoral coalition, Civil Democratic Alliance. He
was well-known as a communist and a creative artist, which made him a prime target
for the terrorist and obscurantist armed groups.
Mosul is a
conservative city where traditional and extremist nationalist and sectarian
political groupings are well entrenched. Moreover, the city is relatively close
to the Syrian borders. The conflict in Syria and the enhanced presence there of
Al Qaida and ISIL has led to increased presence and activity of these extremist
groupings and other similar armed groups in Mosul and surroundings areas. Our
comrade was a victim of their criminal acts.
