Monday 31 January 2011

Iraqi CP - In Solidarity with the Uprising of Masses of Egyptian People

29 January 2011

Statement of the Political bureau of the Iraqi Communist Party

In Solidarity with the Uprising of Masses of Egyptian People

Our peoples will not be subjugated from now on... They will not tolerate the stifling of their legitimate aspirations towards democracy!

The Egyptian masses, full of resentment and discontent in Cairo and other cities, have in the past hours continued defying the rule of tyranny, corruption, misery and "inheritance", in their heroic struggle for radical reforms in the political life to achieve freedoms, real constitutional democratic life and social justice which they had been denied for decades.

The means and methods used by the ruling regime, starting with the brutal repression that led to the death of dozens, injuring hundreds and arresting thousands at the hands of the vicious security forces, through cutting off domestic and international communications via mobile networks and internet, then declaring a curfew and deploying the army in the streets, and eventually retreating officially and announcing the dismissal of the government, were all unable to extinguish the torch of mass struggle for radical democratic change and to stop the overwhelming storm of protest that has swept the whole of Egypt involving millions of people led by the masses of young people. These methods have instead led to sharpening the resolve of the rebellious masses, and to raising stronger and clearer slogans against the regime and its ruling party, and against its leader, despite the attempts of some to blur the real objectives of the rebellious Egyptian masses.

These developments and the overall events which swept Egypt in recent days, as well as the heroic uprising of the Tunisian people, along with the angry popular movements in Yemen, Jordan and Sudan, have proved that the oppressive and despotic Arab regimes can no longer deceive the peoples and suppress their will and yearning for democracy, and a free and dignified life. It has become clear that these deprived peoples and their vibrant forces that are struggling for freedom, bread and happiness, can no longer acquiesce to the confiscation of their fundamental rights and the stifling of their legitimate aspirations under false slogans. They have realized from the lessons of their bitter experience the close interrelationship between the struggle for national causes and the issue of political and social democracy.

While declaring our solidarity with the masses of the Egyptian people and their patriotic and democratic forces, and calling for an end to all acts of repression by the regime against their legitimate struggle, we reaffirm our full and consistent support for the just demands of the masses of Egyptian democratic change, and for establishing a system of freedom, democracy and social justice.

Iraqi CP - Victory for the Uprising of the Tunisian People!


 The Iraqi Communist Party

Victory for the Uprising of the Tunisian People!

The masses of the Tunisian popular uprising culminated yesterday their heroic struggle, that continued throughout the past four weeks against the regime of tyranny and oppression which had strangled them for about a quarter of a century, with a remarkable victory reflected in the shameful escape of the head of the collapsed regime, Zein al-Abidin Ben Ali, from the country, haunted by curses and besieged by condemnations.

In the course of their daily struggle, which was full of determination and perseverance and involved the people in all areas of the country including the capital Tunis, the rising masses made great sacrifices in blood and lives, and offered unforgettable examples on steadfastness, dedication and sacrifice.

The masses also demonstrated deep awareness when they linked, from the outset, their economic demands with political demands, raising the slogan of bread and freedom, and when they rejected the false promises of the vanquished President before he fled, and demanded that he should step down unconditionally.

The Tunisian masses are today demonstrating political maturity, as they reject and resist the ploys of the tyrant’s stooges who are maneuvering to perpetuate his hated regime even though without him, and as they exert efforts to chart Tunisia’s path towards real democracy.

While expressing our firm solidarity with the masses of the courageous Tunisian uprising and their patriotic and democratic forces, and sharing their joy for the victory they achieved yesterday, we recognize like them that this victory is only preliminary, and that the decisive and final victory is contingent on continuing the struggle until the overthrow of the whole of Ben Ali's authoritarian regime, in accordance with the eloquent slogan raised by the Tunisian masses: Insurrection, Insurrection Until the Regime Falls! And until the path ahead is wide-open for the establishment of a democratic regime as demanded by the masses, and for which they have given, and continue to render, great sacrifices.

What has happened in Tunisia is an example for our Arab peoples and all the peoples who are fighting for their freedom, bread and happiness, and for their legitimate aspirations in establishing the political, economic and social system which they desire:  a system of democracy, peace and social justice.

Political Bureau – Central Committee
Iraqi Communist Party
15 January 2011


Iraqi CP - New Year Greetings

Iraqi CP - Contribution to the12th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties - Johannesburg – South Africa

Contribution of the Iraqi Communist Party
12th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties
Johannesburg – South Africa
(3-5 December 2010)
Azet Sadik  (Political Bureau – Central Committee of Iraqi CP)
Dear Comrades,
I convey to you the wholehearted greetings of Iraqi Communists, and their best wishes for the success of the 12th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties, so as to contribute to developing the role of our movement in building a global front against neo-liberal globalisation and imperialism, for peace, democracy, social progress and socialism.
We express our thanks to the fraternal Communist Party of South Africa for hosting this International Meeting, which will also provide the opportunity to reiterate our solidarity with the peoples of Africa and their progressive movements in their struggles for liberation, peace, democracy, and social and economic development, to build a better world, free of exploitation, dependence, oppression, poverty, hunger and social and economic backwardness.
We also seize this opportunity to express, from this international forum, our gratitude for the international solidarity extended to our Iraqi people, democratic forces and Communist Party in the ongoing struggle, under extremely difficult and complex conditions, to end the occupation, restore full national sovereignty and independence and build a unified democratic and federal Iraq.
Dear Comrades,
The destructive consequences of the ongoing global financial crisis of capitalist economies give the main theme of this International Meeting renewed dimensions with greater relevance. This situation makes it more essential for our movement, with its communist and workers’ parties, in addition to the broad range of social forces and strata on the international level, that have been harmed by the hegemony of globalized capitalism with its neo-liberal model, to develop effective forms of organization and action for their struggle on the international level against this globalized capitalist onslaught.
As already pointed out in the 11th International Meeting, held in New Delhi late last year, there is a consensus that the current crisis is an expression of the internal contradictions of globalized capitalism. One of its main features is the dominance of the financial character (financiarisation) of capitalist economy, the free movement of capital across borders and the removal of all national regulations controlling it. This has led to an enormous expansion of speculative activities, at the expense of productive activities, and the diminished relative weight of real economy and reduced national sovereignty. All this has been associated with high levels of unemployment, sharp polarization in wealth and income distribution, and the fragmentation of the social fabric of society. This fragmentation will intensify with the failure of economies of capitalist countries to sustain their social welfare system, coupled with the vicious attack on this system, and transferring the burden of the crisis onto the tax-payers who have been forced to pay hundreds of billions of dollars to save bankrupt financial institutions. The latest such example is Ireland, with more economies in Europe threatened with a similar fate. 
It is important to note that on the level of consciousness and ideas, the crisis has provided a fertile ground for the revival of extreme reactionary ideas (racism, chauvinism, extreme religious ideologies..). All this has led to intensified contradictions and conflicts, with dominant capitalist forces resorting to blatant violence and local wars to suppress the forces opposed to them.
The contradictions of globalized capitalism have driven a broad and expanding spectrum of social forces to oppose it. Not only the working class and middle strata are involved, but also some capitalist strata are drawn into this opposition. The “cultural” dimension has also acquired a growing importance, as many social and political forces get involved in the struggle driven by the need to defend their ethnic or religious identity. 
This complex scene opens up a big potential for developing protest movements that acquire an anti-capitalist content. But there are also ideological and political challenges that face the efforts to achieve the necessary alliances and unite the diverse demands in a coherent current that is opposed to imperialism and, at the same time, advocates a progressive political, economic and social project.
One of the biggest among these challenges and difficulties is to combine between the fight for national liberation, independence and getting rid of the hegemony of globalized capitalism and the struggle for democracy; both social and political. Disregarding any of these two closely interconnected aspects of struggle will lead to a serious imbalance and contradictory alignments. The struggle against imperialism must therefore be closely combined with the fight for democracy and peace.
It is also important to note the diverse nature of the forces and strata whose interests clash with those of globalized monopoly capitalism and its political power, and the relative weakness of social solidarity as a result of the changes brought about by modern technologies of production, make it necessary to create a variety of flexible forms of alliances and a variety of causes for which joint struggles are waged.
One other issue which also need to be addressed in analysis is the relationship between the class struggle and other struggles. The progressive dimension of these other struggles should be determined by their social content.   
It is not be possible here go into more detail about these important issues. But it is important to stress that the global financial crisis has marked the failure of the extreme neo-liberal model of capitalism which had been dominant over more than two decades. This has opened up new prospects with promising potential for the resurgence and expansion of the struggles waged by forces that are not only opposed to globalism but to capitalism itself.
The most important conclusion to be drawn from the current global crisis is that the world will never be the same as it was before it blew up. A new balance of forces is expected to emerge despite all the obstacles and resistance put up by globalized capitalism, thus opening up new opportunities and providing possibilities for change and building a better world.
Dear Comrades,
The current international climate has put forward, more than ever before, the need to develop Left alternatives and united action of progressive forces against war, neo-liberalism and imperialism, as well as combating far right and reactionary tendencies on the international level, and promoting socialist ideas and goals. This is closely interconnected with strengthening international solidarity against the warmongering policies of imperialism and the onslaught of capitalist globalization, and providing genuine support for ongoing struggles all over the world for peace, freedom, democracy and social progress.
The recent Meeting of Arab Left, held in Beirut (22-23 October 2010), stressed the need for the Left forces in the region to regain their role and develop a realistic program of national-social liberation, based on struggle for democratic change, employing legitimate means of struggle and taking into consideration the specifics of each country. Tackling the deep crises that are caused by the policies of Arab regimes and their subservience to global neo-liberal capitalism, especially poverty and unemployment, requires developing concrete proposals for a program of economic revival and social development, including comprehensive development as an alternative to the policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Achieving these objectives requires activating the role of the Left in the social movement and developing a critical political vision towards the existing regimes. The principal aim of a distinguished program for change to be adopted by the Left should be the setting up of a national democratic regime, with a socialist perspective, that constitutes an alternative to subservient regimes. In this context, the forces of the Left need to mobilize the workers, peasants and progressive intellectuals into a mass movement to achieve real democratic change. Major tasks for such a movement include the fight for both, closely interconnected, aspects of democracy: political and social. Democracy, and building a state of law and institutions, based on the principles of citizenship, is a firm guarantee against sectarian divisions.  In this respect, it is of utmost importance for the Left to uphold and defend human rights and fundamental democratic and trade union rights, especially women’s rights, as part and parcel of the big national issues.
Dear Comrades,
In addition to the destructive consequences of the deepening systemic crisis of globalized capitalism, there are also grave dangers to world peace. Over the past two decades, the unipolar world order led by the US that has resulted in grave violations of international legitimacy and resorting to war and aggression (as was the case in the invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003). As part of its attempts to impose its hegemony on the world, it has not hesitated to ignite the flames of “local” wars. Here again, the fight for peace and against the warmongering policies of imperialism is closely interconnected with the struggle for political democracy and social progress.
In this context, I would like to say a few words about the situation in Iraq.
Seven and a half years after the US war on Iraq, the collapse of the dictatorial regime, and occupation, the struggle to end the foreign military presence continues to be closely interconnected with the struggle to rebuild the new Iraqi state and determine both its content and character.
Under these complex and difficult conditions, a ferocious battle is continuing, not only over power and wealth, but also over formulating the political, economic, social and cultural orientation, that will determine the features of the new Iraqi state that will emerge. It can be said that national, democratic and social tasks combine and interact. Therefore, along with the task of ending the occupation and its legacy, restoring full national sovereignty and independence, we have the tasks of eliminating the legacy of decades of fascist-type dictatorship, restructuring Iraqi economy and rebuilding the state on a democratic federal basis. International and regional factors interfere, making the struggle even more complex and intensified. Our party has put forward its own vision, encapsulated in the Patriotic Democratic Project, that aims at building a modern democratic state; a state based on law and institutions and the principles of citizenship, ensuring democracy and social justice, as opposed to sectarian projects and a return to dictatorship, whether nationalist or religious. 
Dear Comrades,
The political vacuum that followed the Iraqi elections in March 2010, and continued for 8 months, helped anti-people forces to escalate criminal terrorist acts. Such heinous acts took place on 10th May 2010 in Baghdad, Hilla and Basra with at least 110 people killed in a series of bombings and armed attacks. In the city of Hilla, south of the capital, 40 workers were killed and 250 others were wounded when three car bombs exploded outside a textile factory, targeting workers as they were leaving the factory. These atrocities and their perpetrators must be strongly and unequivocally condemned by fraternal communist and workers parties, as well as all progressive and peace-loving forces.
Those barbaric attacks that targeted Iraqi workers exposed once again the true anti-people nature of the so-called "resistance" that claims to be fighting the occupation. It is made up of the most reactionary Islamists, remnants of Saddam's Baathist fascist-type regime and gangs of organized crime. Among their principal objectives is stirring up sectarian sedition, destroying national unity, and sabotaging the country's infrastructure. They have rendered, and continue to render, a free service to the American occupation by providing pretexts for its continuation and impeding the speedy eviction of foreign forces, achieving their complete withdrawal and eliminating the consequences of occupation..
Dear Comrades,
Our Party, the leading force of the Left in Iraq, is currently engaged in relentless efforts to achieve unity in action of the democratic forces, and to transform the Democratic Current into an effective principal force in the ongoing intensified struggle over the future of Iraq. This vision requires greater efforts to involve the trade union movement and democratic organizations, especially those of women, youth, students and other civil society organizations, in mass struggles to defend human and democratic rights of workers and people. During recent weeks, conferences of democratic forces have been held in several provinces, as part of a process that will be culminated in a national conference to be held in Baghdad.
Iraqi Communists are determined to strengthen their links to the broadest popular masses, including workers, peasants, students and intellectuals, and all popular strata that aspire for freedom and democracy; taking up their demands, and defending their role in deciding our country’s destiny.
In the difficult struggle that lies ahead, we look forward to active and concrete solidarity from fraternal parties. This will acquire greater significance in the coming months, as Iraq prepares to end the US military presence by the end of 2011, continue the struggle to eliminate the legacy of occupation, restore its national sovereignty and independence, defeat sectarianism and anti-people forces, and achieve the national democratic alternative.
Our Party has unlimited confidence in the Iraqi people and their ability to continue their struggle, despite all difficulties and obstacles, to defeat terrorism and sectarianism, eliminate the legacy of dictatorship and American occupation, restore full national sovereignty, lay the foundations for a state based on institutions, justice and law, and build a unified federal democratic Iraq.

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Iraqi CP - Contribution to the International Conference Organized by AKEL


IRAQI COMMUNIST PARTY
Contribution to the International Conference
Organized by AKEL
(25th November 2010)
  “The struggle of the Left and the fight of the peoples for global peace and security against the imperialistic Order”

Dear Comrades, 
The topic for this Conference should be discussed in the context of the need to develop left alternatives and united action of progressive forces against war, neo-liberalism and imperialism, as well as combating far right and reactionary tendencies on the international level, and promoting socialist ideas and goals. This is closely interconnected with strengthening international solidarity against the warmongering policies of imperialism and the onslaught of capitalist globalization, and the need to provide genuine support for ongoing struggles all over the world for peace, freedom, democracy and social progress.
The events of September 11, 2001 had a grave and dangerous impact on the situation in the Middle East, particularly in relation to the situation in Iraq (following the American war and occupation in Iraq), the US military presence in the area, the intensified aggression of Zionist rulers in Israel, the path of the peace process and the Arab-Israeli conflict, as also the situation in Iran and mounting dangers of a new military conflict in the region, with grave consequences for world peace.
The Middle East region is still suffering the consequences of the so-called “war on terror” and attempts by the US to impose its hegemony over the area in accordance with its security and strategic interests. It is important to note in this respect that this imperialist offensive exposed the true state of the Arab regimes and their shameful failure to face up to these challenges. Most of these regimes rushed to declare their allegiance to the US, with total disregard to the causes of the Arab peoples.
As a result, calls and demands by the popular masses in the Arab world for democratic freedoms mounted, to enable them to defend the independence of their countries and achieve economic and social development. But these legitimate demands were met with vicious repression and violations of human and democratic rights. Furthermore, some Arab regimes exploited the rise of religious fundamentalism and the activities of extremist Islamist groups (that enjoy generous funding), as well as the hysterical climate that accompanied the US “war on terror”, to crush what was left of a relative margin of freedom in their countries. Thus we witnessed a significant escalation in repressive policies, especially by dictatorial and despotic regimes.
It is therefore of great importance to stress here, once again, the vital lesson learnt from bitter experiences of the Arab peoples since the June 1967 War; that the absence of freedoms and democracy serves the interests of imperialism and Zionism, and their schemes of war, occupation and hegemony. It is only when people enjoy freedom and democracy that they can safeguard their national independence and sovereignty, and can confront imperialist pressures and schemes. Only then they will be able to decide their own destiny with their own free will. 
It is also worth mentioning here that a meeting of Communist parties in the Arab countries was held in July 2010, in Damascus, to discuss the situation in the area, with particular emphasis on solidarity with the Palestinian people. It was attended by the Syrian, Iraqi, Jordanian, Lebanese, and Egyptian Communist parties, the Palestinian People’s Party, and the Party of Progress & Socialism in Morocco.
The meeting called for greater efforts on regional and international levels to support the struggle of the Palestinian people against Israeli occupation. On Iraq, the final statement said that the meeting agreed “to support the struggle of the Iraqi people to eliminate the American occupation and its legacy in Iraq, to achieve a national democratic regime, preserve Iraq’s unity, and condemn all forms of terrorism suffered by the Iraqi people”.
The recent Meeting of Arab Left, held in Beirut (22-23 October 2010), stressed the need for the Left forces in the region to regain their role and develop a realistic program of national-social liberation, based on struggle for democratic change, employing legitimate means of struggle and taking into consideration the specifics of each country. Tackling the deep crises that are caused by the policies of Arab regimes and their subservience to global neo-liberal capitalism, especially poverty and unemployment, requires developing concrete proposals for a program of economic revival and social development, including comprehensive development as an alternative to the policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Achieving these objectives requires activating the role of the Left in the social movement and developing a critical political vision towards the existing regimes. The principal aim of a distinguished program for change to be adopted by the Left should be the setting up of a national democratic regime, with a socialist perspective, that constitutes an alternative to subservient regimes. In this context, the forces of the Left need to mobilize the workers, peasants and progressive intellectuals into a mass movement to achieve real democratic change. Major tasks for such a movement include the fight for both, closely interconnected, aspects of democracy: political and social. Democracy, and building a state of law and institutions, based on the principles of citizenship, is a firm guarantee against sectarian divisions.  In this respect, it is of utmost importance for the Left to uphold and defend human rights and fundamental democratic and trade union rights, especially women’s rights, as part and parcel of the big national issues.
Dear Comrades,
Our Party, the leading force of the Left in Iraq, is currently engaged in relentless efforts to achieve unity in action of the democratic forces, and to transform the democratic current into an effective principal force in the ongoing intensified struggle over the future of Iraq. This vision requires greater efforts to involve the trade union movement and democratic organizations, especially those of women, youth, students and other civil society organizations, in mass struggles to defend human and democratic rights of workers and people. During recent weeks, conferences of democratic forces have been held in several provinces, as part of a process that will be culminated in a national conference to be held in Baghdad.
Iraqi Communists are determined to strengthen their links to the broadest popular masses, including workers, peasants, students and intellectuals, and all popular strata that aspire for freedom and democracy; taking up their demands, and defending their role in deciding our country’s destiny.
Our Party has unlimited confidence in the Iraqi people and their ability to continue their struggle, despite all difficulties and obstacles, to defeat terrorism and sectarianism, eliminate the legacy of dictatorship and American occupation, restore full national sovereignty, lay the foundations for a state based on institutions, justice and law, and build a unified federal democratic Iraq.

* * * * * *
Iraqi Communist Party
·       Website:  www.iraqicp.com
·       Email:   salamsaadi@hotmail.co.uk
                   icpinter@yahoo.co.uk


Iraqi CP - Excerpts from the Communiqué of the Central Committee


Excerpts from the Communiqué of the Meeting of the
Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party

• Crisis of government formation reflects a broader crisis of the political system .. and threatens the prospect of the political process
• A Democratic Current, playing an active role in political life and decision-making, is more necessary than ever before

The Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party held a meeting on 5th November 2010 devoted to discussing the developments in the country in its various aspects since the previous meeting that was held last April. The meeting focused above all on issues of the political crisis, the harm caused by the delay in forming the government, the security situation, the suffering of people as a result of deteriorating living conditions and public services, the growing popular protest movement, and the progress of efforts to rally the forces of the Democratic Current and unify their capabilities.
The following are some of the main points in the Communiqué issued by the Central Committee meeting:
The failure of the lists that won the elections to reach agreements necessary to form a new government has raised legitimate questions about the real dimensions of the crisis facing the country.
This crisis has revealed the serious elements of weakness and faults in the political process, in the process of rebuilding state institutions, and in the constitutional mechanisms that govern the work of the executive and legislative branches.
A closer look at the roots of this crisis, and seeking to determine the conditions and the factors that led to its emergence and continuation, reveals, in the final analysis, that it is a concrete reflection and embodiment of the crisis in the system of government itself which was produced by the political process.
Accordingly, it is the duty of all the forces that desire the continuation of the political process until it achieves its goal of building an independent unified democratic federal civil state, to take into account the task of reforming the political process, after conducting a critical review of the institutional frameworks and structures that it produced, and the rules and practices it has been based upon.
The political stalemate caused by the inconclusive results of the recent elections has resulted not only from the shortcomings and negative aspects that accompanied the electoral process, but also from the continued dominance of sub-identities - sectarian, tribal and ethnic - in the setting up and formation of dominant political blocs, and in guiding the behavior and choices of voters, at the expense of political programs and considerations of competence, integrity and loyalty of candidates.
In the name of so-called "balance" between "components" in the distribution of higher posts in the state, sectarian and ethnic power-sharing has been consolidated in building state institution.
Grave implications of power-sharing system
The Central Committee meeting drew attention to the grave implications of adopting this power-sharing system in state-building, as reflected in the fragmentation in the work of ministries, the lack of harmony within them, the difficulty in developing common visions and decision-making, poor overall performance, the emergence of different centers of power, the creation of an environment conducive to the spread of financial and administrative corruption, the violation of the principle of citizenship and equal rights of citizens, and other negative manifestations.
With the prolongation of the crisis and the intensification of deadlock and growing political tension, despite all the parties declaring their desire to work together within a participatory government, anxiety in society increased as a result of the continued political and constitutional vacuum, while the economic situation worsened.
This deep concern turned into anger, and this found its expression in a variety of protest movements that held actions in Baghdad and several provinces.
The competing dominant forces each behaved in a similar manner by sticking to their interests and share of power, influence and spoils, and defending them tenaciously, even if this led to exposing the country’s security and interests to grave threats.
These forces were not prepared to reconsider their positions, despite the dangers of further deterioration of security, the paralysis of economic life and worsening public services.
Blatant external interference
These forces did not hesitate to accept the blatant interference by neighboring states and some international powers, and to seek deals with them, even going as far as pleading with them, in utter disregard of national sovereignty.
The crisis brought to light, on the other hand, the gap between words and deeds of the dominant forces.
The continuation of the crisis, with its accompanying violation of the Constitution and circumventing the will of the voters, will undermine citizens’ trust in the electoral process and weaken their respect for the Constitution. It also encourages the promotion once again of coup-type and unconstitutional solutions.
In light of the above, the present deadlock only seems to be a natural outcome. Meanwhile, a legitimate question is raised: whether this situation can produce a solution, and lead to the formation of a government free of the faults of its predecessors and their weakness, shortcomings and failures.
Possible solutions to the crisis and their complications
There are different views regarding the government formation and possible solutions to the crisis. However, all the possible combinations face serious problems that prevent their achievement.
The major obstacle here does not lie in the differences of political visions and projects of the blocs, which seem possible to surpass. It is rather reflected in fighting over the principal posts, and the scrambling and competition between the leading figures to monopolize them. So it seems that the continuation of the crisis is likely, unless there is a sudden change in attitudes.
However, each of the possible solutions to the crisis carries with it elements of instability, and involves many complexities.
If a government of partnership that includes all the winning blocs is set up, it is difficult to imagine that the tension in their mutual relations, the exchange of accusations and confrontational positions, that continued over the past months, will not leave their negative impact on the government, the harmony among its members, the atmosphere of mutual trust within it and unity in positions. This will therefore impact the effectiveness of the government and its ability to deliver. On the other hand, the formation of a majority government would increase the tension of the general situation, intensify the dissatisfaction of some neighboring states and push them towards further illegitimate interference. In all cases, the process of decision-making and formulating state policy would become more complex, and will necessarily affect the performance of the government.
Growing popular discontent and protest movement
Discontent has mounted among the people against the backdrop of the failure of dominant forces to make any headway, and the emptiness and floundering of their political and media discourse. Some of this discontent has been manifested in various forms, taking in some cases a violent and undisciplined character and being employed for narrow political purposes. Other forms of protest, however, came about in response to appeals and initiatives by the democratic forces and civil society organizations in Baghdad and other provinces.
The slogans and demands raised in demonstrations, sit-ins and signature-collection campaigns focused on holding the dominant political forces responsible for the delay in forming the government, and the resulting political and constitutional vacuum with subsequent implications that are full of dangers on various levels. In addition, the protest movement demanded that these forces should expedite the formation of the government in response to higher national interests, otherwise – if they fail to do so – they should hand the task back to the voters by dissolving the Parliament and calling new elections.
Crisis of governance and system
The Central Committee meeting pointed out that Iraq is today facing a severe political crisis that reflects a more comprehensive crisis in governance and political system alike. This crisis is threatening the prospect of the political process, i.e. that of building a fully sovereign unified federal democratic state, and a system of constitutional rule based on the principles of citizenship, the separation of powers and the peaceful transfer of power, ensuring freedoms, human rights and the pluralistic nature of the ethnic, religious and denominational structure of the Iraqi people, and ensuring political, ethnic and cultural rights for all of them.
Crisis and incomplete national sovereignty
The Central Committee meeting also noted that there is no longer any doubt that the formation of the government is not a purely Iraqi affair. This situation reflects the non-fulfillment of the prerequisites of full Iraqi sovereignty in decision-making and handling its territory, wealth and security. The task of ending the legacy of occupation, and eliminating the legacy of crimes and destruction by the ousted dictatorial regime, is therefore still outstanding and lays the basis for the need for unity of national forces and the formation of a government that embodies this unity and takes into account the outcome of elections.
Government of "participation" and the concept of "components"
The slogan of “participatory government” comes close to this content, but diverges from it by substituting the concept of “components”, which is based on ethnic, religious and sectarian identity and affiliation, in place of political characterization and classification that spans ethnic, religious and sectarian lines. Perhaps one of the causes of the current impasse lies in this “components” understanding and practice, as the coalitions that are based on the representation of such components do not necessarily provide a common ground for the visions and political programs that are necessary for effective joint rule.
The principles employed by the dominant forces to set up the government, whether in the form of partnership or majority, involve in their essence the seeds of the problem. In the best case, compromises and consensus can be reached between the dominant forces that allow the formation of the government, provided that powers, positions and privileges are distributed in a satisfactory manner for all parties. The problem lies in that this can only be achieved, in the prevailing atmosphere of distrust, through the sectarian and ethnic power-sharing system, which is at the heart of the crisis and its continuation.
Conversely, the popular and mass political pressure can be an influential force in pushing the dominant forces to agree on forming a government of real national unity, or in forcing them to admit failure and go back again to the electorate. This is what our Party is working for by activating its work among the masses and developing joint work with the forces of the Democratic Current.
Most dangerous effects of the crisis
Perhaps the most dangerous effect of the political crisis is that it diminishes attention to the intensified contradiction and conflict between the people's national forces and the forces of terrorism and regression, and undermines vigilance towards the activities of the latter, allowing them greater freedom in the planning and implementation of their criminal operations.
On the other hand, the crisis has showed that the dominant forces are frustrated by the Constitution, do not show respect for its provisions, and do not hesitate sometimes to impose restrictions on public freedoms.
Democratic Current
The experience of the political process, and governments emanating from it in recent years, shows that their successes and failures are closely associated with the extent that they have been close to or distant from the National Democratic Plan. The current political crisis, and its repercussions on people's lives and their consciousness, does not only highlight the need, more than ever before, for a Democratic Current that exercises political influence, presence and representation and plays an active role in the country’s political life and in decision-making. It also highlights the fact that the Democratic Current has favorable conditions that are better than in previous periods.
The aim of efforts to activate the Democratic Current, as a political and societal current, is in the final analysis to organize and mobilize the forces that have an interest in adopting the National Democratic Plan and working enthusiastically and consistently in order to promote this plan as the one that holds the real and decisive solutions to the country's crisis.
Towards a broad mass movement
The growing discontent among the various sections of our people presents our party with many tasks that include adopting people’s demands, organizing campaigns and activities encapsulating these demands, confronting attempts to violate human rights and impose restrictions on certain freedoms set forth in the Constitution, and putting an end to the blatant interference in the affairs of associations, trade unions and civil society organizations. They also include exerting efforts to attract more and more forces and strata to participate in campaigning and protest activity.
This is also needed in connection with increasing concern over the reported expected deficit of $23 billion in the budget for 2011. It is feared that this deficit will be dealt with at the expense of the welfare of citizens, and through the looting of recent gains including the stabilization of teachers’ salaries and the enactment of a military pension law, and through further reduction of ration cards and the social protection network.
What is dangerous here is that as long as solutions put forward by the dominant forces continue to revolve within the logic of sectarian and ethnic power-sharing, they will remain unable to live up to the tasks required for building a modern democratic civil state, based on the rule of law and institutions. It is quite clear that fulfilling these tasks is linked to a large extent to the adoption of the National Democratic Plan.
It is therefore necessary to continue and increase efforts to expand mass action, pressing for the formation of the government and for it to carry out its obligations and responsibilities fully towards the citizens, and for the Parliament to take up its role in full, after responding to the decision of the Federal Court to end the open session, and begin to carry out its oversight role and legislative work.
At the same time, efforts should continue to unify the ranks of the forces and figures of the Democratic Current, to maximize its influence in political life and in shaping our country’s present and future.

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Iraqi Communist Party
Website: www.iraqicp.com
             icpinter@yahoo.co.uk