Morning Star - 21 September 201
Across Iraq successive
mass protests have been erupting against the self-serving and cynical elite –
on a scale not seen for decades, writes SALAM ALI
OVER more than seven
weeks now, since the end of July, Baghdad and other provinces in central and
southern Iraq have witnessed the rise of a broad popular movement that has not
been seen for many decades in our country.
It has culminated in
successive mass protests, the most important of which were demonstrations and
strikes by workers and employees of “self-financing” companies of the Ministry
of Industry.
This popular movement has
gained momentum with the participation of hundreds of thousands of citizens of
various social and political affiliations in all provinces.
The political base of the
protests, which were launched mainly by civil and democratic forces, has
broadened and also received the support of the highest Shi’ite authority in
Najaf.
The popular uprising has
come as an expression of the explosion of people’s anger as a result of the
failure of governments of the sectarian-ethnic power-sharing system, both at
the federal and provincial levels, and the inability of governments to run the
country, serve the interests of the people and the country and provide the bare
minimum of security and services for a decent dignified life, as well as
failing to effectively combat terrorism and its instruments.
One of the most important
factors that helped deepen the crisis and intensify the suffering of the people
is the ferocious war against the terrorist organisation Isis (also known by its
Arab acronym “Daesh”) since the fall of the city of Mosul on June 10 2014 and
the subsequent loss of government control of over a third of Iraq’s territory.
This was a result of the
collapse of a military and security institution that was built on a sectarian
basis which suffered corruption and mismanagement.
The political crisis was
further aggravated by the worsening economic situation after the recent sharp
fall in oil prices, leading to the fall of Iraq’s oil revenues by half.
The existence of more
than three million internally displaced people, as a result of the war with
Isis, has also created an enormous humanitarian and economic problem that
exceeds the capabilities of the state.
All this has led to an
increase in the proportion of people under the poverty line to over 30 per cent
of the population.
Meanwhile, a small social
stratum of parasitic nature and a corrupt political elite have continued to
accumulate enormous wealth and enjoy extravagant privileges.
The deterioration of
electricity supply in an exceptionally hot summer may have sparked the first
protest demonstrations, but the people’s demands soon deepened towards pressing
for resolute measures to combat corruption and hold the corrupt to account,
especially those who hold leading positions in the state.
The mass demonstrations
that have been held every Friday in Tahrir (Liberation) Square in Baghdad, and
also in 10 other major cities, recognise that combating corruption strengthens
the battle against terrorism, as one feeds the other.
They have also called for
political reform and for urgent measures to reform the judiciary, without which
it would not be possible to implement the required reforms.
The mass popular
movement, which has been continuing for seven weeks, has attracted hundreds of
thousands of people, broadening its social and political base.
Demonstrations and
protests have now extended from major cities to districts and rural areas in
some provinces.
They are organised by
many co-ordinating committees with the participation of civil and democratic
activists and groups.
There has been a
significant participation of youth, estimated to constitute over 80 per cent of
the demonstrators. Women have also played an important role. As the protests
escalated, more social forces joined, including several professional bodies and
trade unions.
It is very important to
note the predominant peaceful, national, popular and civil character of the
mass protest movement, which surpasses the sectarian and ethnic divisions and
secondary identities, thus fostering the Iraqi national identity.
The protests have
focussed on combating corruption and bringing the corrupt to account, achieving
political reform and getting rid of sectarian-ethnic power-sharing, and
providing services.
Thanks to the national
and popular character of the demonstrations, and the legitimacy and realistic
nature of their demands and slogans, as well their peaceful and civil nature,
they have exerted enormous popular pressure which forced both the government
and parliament to respond quickly by presenting packages of reforms.
The first, announced by
Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi on August 9, included abolishing three
vice-presidential positions as well as two posts of deputy prime minister.
Subsequent reforms have
included reducing the size of his government by a third, reducing the security
details of government officials and members of parliament, as well as reducing
their salaries.
But far more radical
changes and legislation are needed to destabilise the foundations of
sectarian-ethnic power-sharing system that was implemented by the US occupation
authorities after the war in 2003 and put an end to it. It is a big challenge.
If the reforms begin to
seriously undermine the power-sharing system, it is expected that the ruling
groups (Shi’ite, Sunni and Kurdish) will begin to bury their divisions and
unite to preserve their positions in power and privileges.
There are already signs
of this process beginning. After recovering from the initial “shock” as a
result of the mass protests, they are now waging a counter-attack.
They possess enormous
power and wealth, including their influence over the economy.
Civil activists have
therefore criticised the slow pace of reforms and the lack of effective
mechanisms and a clearly defined timetable for their implementation.
Abadi’s reforms have not
yet touched the essence of the deep political crisis engulfing the country.
There is increasing
evidence of attempts to sabotage the peaceful protest movement, including
physical attacks and direct threats against activists and independent media
workers.
In the city of Hilla, in
Babylon province, special security forces attacked peaceful protesters who
marched to the offices of the provincial government.
Despite intimidation and
threats by the media linked to ruling groups, thousands of people came out to
Tahrir Square in central Baghdad on Friday September 11.
In addition to repeating
the main demands for political reform, they called for “a civil state and
social justice.”
Once again, the civil and
national character of the demonstrations in Baghdad and 10 other major cities
was predominant.
After seven weeks of mass
demonstrations, and more than a month since the announcement of Abadi’s reform
packages, what has been achieved on the ground is very small and modest.
The very limited reforms
which have so far been announced need to be complemented with deeper reforms.
Popular pressure and
oversight are therefore essential to ensure the proper implementation of the
reform process in the interests of the Iraqi people.
- Salam Ali is a member of the
central committee of the Iraqi Communist Party.
